Tensions are mounting among key Gulf states that once positioned themselves as stabilizing forces in the Middle East. In recent weeks, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain — long viewed as the pragmatic wing of the Arab world — have found themselves increasingly sidelined in President Donald Trump’s Gaza reconstruction plan, even as they publicly back his push to end the war.
According to multiple Arab diplomatic sources, the three states support Trump’s peace framework and the disarmament of Hamas, but are deeply frustrated by the growing role of Qatar, their regional rival and a longtime patron of Islamist movements, including the Muslim Brotherhood. They fear that Washington’s expanding defense ties with Doha — now a central player in the postwar negotiations — risk undermining efforts to deradicalize Gaza and may allow Hamas to quietly reemerge.
“It’s a mistake to rely on Qatar,” a Saudi diplomatic source told Yisrael Hayom. “Excessive Qatari involvement in the next stages of the plan will cause it to collapse. Qatar’s interests are different — it will try to ensure that Hamas remains in the picture.”
While wary of Doha’s influence, the moderate Gulf states are expected to contribute heavily to Gaza’s reconstruction, largely in alignment with Israel’s position. They insist that any rebuilding effort must include full disarmament of Hamas and that the Palestinian Authority (PA) can only return to Gaza after sweeping reforms — including new leadership, financial transparency, and a program of de-radicalization in schools and media.
Saudi and Emirati officials say they have already begun educational reforms in their own countries, toning down anti-Israel rhetoric in textbooks and state media. “We want to create a generation that knows coexistence,” one Gulf education official said.
But the Gulf coalition is also pressing Israel for reciprocal political steps, including a credible path toward a two-state solution. “Normalization with Israel remains on the table,” the Saudi source emphasized, “but it will not happen within months. It’s a long road that requires seeing the agreement implemented in full — including Israel’s commitments to the PA and serious negotiations toward a two-state solution.”
The source added that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition — which includes several right-wing ministers who oppose Palestinian statehood — must “decide whether they support annexation or a real solution that will eventually bring calm.”
While the final hostages’ release has been completed under the U.S.-brokered deal, Israeli and regional officials remain deeply pessimistic about the next phase. Few in Jerusalem believe Hamas will willingly surrender its weapons or relinquish control of Gaza, despite the terms of the Trump peace plan.
In recent days, Hamas’s internal violence — including the massacre of a rival clan, public executions of alleged collaborators, and armed parades — has fueled fears that the group is consolidating power, not ceding it. Security sources confirmed that in several areas near IDF-controlled zones, Israeli troops have intervened to prevent Hamas revenge killings.
“The reality is that Hamas is not demilitarizing — it’s regrouping,” an Israeli defense official said. “If that continues, it could unravel the entire postwar framework.”
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